Wednesday, May 21, 2014

capitalism and its critique

Capitalism and its critique
S P SETH

Not long ago free market capitalism was supposed to be the pathway for all societies to grow rich eventually.  The collapse of the Soviet Union had clinched the argument decisively in favour of capitalism. All International Monetary Fund (IMF) loans had conditions attached whenever developing countries sought credits to sort out their balance of payments problems. Not surprisingly, most of the time developing countries had these problems, though now some of the ‘sick’ members of the European Union have also been in this situation. The IMF conditions insisted that the troubled countries were to open up their economies, reduce subsidies, practice austerity and so on. In other words, there was one size fits all perfected in the US and the western world. But with the global recession hitting the world in 2008, and the US and much of the western world still grappling with their economic malaise, there are now growing doubts about the efficacy of freewheeling capitalism that is making rich richer and poor, well, they are in the poverty trap.

Another feature of this new crisis of capitalism is that a handful of the world’s rich are now controlling much of the world’s wealth. This was already known in a general sort of way but when Oxfam came out with a report which said that just 85 of the world’s richest control as much wealth as half the world’s population (3.5 billion people), it came as a shock to many. Around the same time, Pope Francis, the spiritual head of the world’s over 1 billion Catholics, was talking about the “tyranny” of capitalism. He said that, “Inequality [it fosters] eventually engenders a violence, which recourse to arms cannot and never will be able to resolve.” Not surprisingly, some critics have called his utterances as “pure Marxism”.

But it is not just Oxfam and Pope Francis talking and highlighting the plight of the world’s forgotten poor, a new book on the subject by a respected economist is creating a bit of a sensation by giving it a certain framework and grounding that cannot be dismissed so easily. In his book, Capital in the Twenty-First Century, the French economist, Thomas Picketty, has sought to look at the phenomena of extreme inequality that is a hallmark of today’s world. His basic argument is that as the rate of return on capital (in the form of corporate profits, dividends etc.) outstrips the rate of growth, this will lead to greater accumulation of inherited wealth among fewer people, thus creating a highly unequal society, as is already happening. And this might see a return to Dickensian levels of poverty of the 19th century in advanced countries.  And if Picketty is right, the universal prescription of free market capitalism might need to be revised.

His prescription to deal with such a situation is high tax on inherited wealth as well on people with high incomes, and a global tax on capital. Even though his book and its remedies will be highly unpopular with the upper end of the town, he has become quite a celebrity with his incisive analysis based on copious data. Paul Krugman, a Nobel laureate, has called it “an awesome work”. He describes it as “a book that will change both the way we think about society and the way we do economics.” To quote Krugman from his review of the book in the New York Review of Books, “ The big idea [of the book] is that we haven’t just gone back to nineteenth century levels of income inequality, we’re also on a path back to ‘patrimonial capitalism’, in which the commanding heights of the economy are controlled not by talented individuals but by family dynasties.”

A mythology had developed around free market capitalism in the eighties and into the nineties with President Ronald Reagan in the US and Margaret Thatcher in United Kingdom as its chief proponents. As a result, the markets became increasingly unregulated, with low taxes on corporations and high income tax earners, and cheaper borrowing costs. It was touted as a self-evident law of economics to encourage investments and keep economic growth rolling. And it worked with markets flushed with easy money, until the pyramid scheme so cobbled together started to crumble, as banks and financial institutions either bankrupted or came close to it. Which led governments to bale out these institutions with taxpayers’ money.

But its perpetrators, the bank executives and their enablers, went largely scot-free, with few or none charged with criminal neglect and/or complicity. Indeed, they are still drawing huge bonuses, apparently for bringing the world to financial collapse. In the US dream world of capitalism where paupers can rise to become rich, any interference with individual initiative to reach the top is frowned upon. And this has underpinned the excesses of a society where every man and woman can make up their own destiny. And in the lax world of financial capitalism, almost every family was encouraged to buy a house or run a business with easily available borrowed money with almost no questions asked.

This is where a newly minted Senator Elizabeth Warren, regarded as a possible presidential contender, is making some waves. A former Harvard Law School professor, who emerged as a strong critic of Wall Street, sought to take head on this idea that America’s rich are rich and keep getting rich because of their individual creativity and merit. During her congressional campaign in 2011, she said bluntly that, “There is nobody in this country who got rich on his own. Nobody. You built a factory out there? Good for you. But I want to be clear: you moved the goods to market on roads the rest of us [taxpayers] paid for. You hired workers the rest of us paid to educate. You were safe in your factory because of police forces and fire services the rest of us paid for... “  And she added, “Now look, you built the factory and it turned into something terrific, or great idea. God bless. Keep a big hunk of it. But part of the underlying social contract is you take a hunk of that and pay forward for the next kid that comes along.” In other words, “ For capitalism to work, we all need each other.”


To put it in another way, capitalism without a social context and social contract, will deepen inequalities . And if Thomas Picketty is right and capitalism remains an idea and system without a social conscience, the capitalist world might turn into the highly unequal societies depicted by the 19th century novelists, Jane Austen and Balzac.

Note: This article was first published in the Daily Times.

Contact: sushilpseth@yahoo.com.au

Friday, May 2, 2014

Ukraine on the brink
S P SETH

The developments in Ukraine are getting ugly and dangerous. Both Russia and the US are accusing each other of fomenting the trouble. It all started in November when the then President Viktor Yanukovych refused to sign the agreement to integrate with Europe. The EU deal didn’t have any real provision to urgently rescue Ukraine’s economy that was in bad shape. Instead, Ukraine would be required to restructure its economy based on austerity provisions and related measures. Faced with a hard choice, Yanukovych turned to Russia, with Putin only too keen to provide $15 billions of loans and a further reduction in gas prices for an ailing Ukraine. The protests that followed and the resultant violence from the police and the riotous mob showed that Yanukovych was no longer in control and he fled to Russia. Moscow called it a coup, attributing it to US/Europe machinations. That wasn’t altogether untrue, as revealed by a leaked conversation between the US ambassador in Kiev and the US assistant secretary state for Europe where she chided the Europeans, in colourful language, for not doing enough.

What is clear enough is that both Russia and US/Europe are pushing their own strategic agenda. In the process, Ukraine has become a battleground of sorts, with the majority Russian-speaking people of southeast Ukraine barracking for Russia, and the western parts of the country, where Ukraine’s interim government is based in the capital Kiev, wanting to integrate with Europe and eventually join NATO. Russia is against Ukraine joining European Union, bringing western presence right on its borders. To put it simply, Moscow would like a friendly regime in Kiev mindful of its larger neighbour’s sensitivities and interests, and accommodative of its Russian-speaking population. Undoubtedly, Yanukovych’s toppling, with the interim government in Kiev without any real representation from the eastern region, has contributed to the unrest in that region with Moscow’s support.

With the interim government determined to crush the separatists in southeast, calling them terrorists, Ukraine is descending into civil war. And if this were to result in fatalities among Russian-speaking people of the region, as has already happened in a few cases, Moscow might find itself drawn into it. Russia has no doubt that the crisis in Ukraine is engineered by the west. According to Vitaly Churkin, Russian ambassador to the UN, as he told the UN the Security Council, “This is their responsibility. Clearly they are chaperoning power of the people that came to power after the coup. So it’s their responsibility to prevent further escalation of this crisis.” Moscow believes that Ukraine’s interim government is a collection of radical nationalists and neo-Nazi elements intent on harming ethnic Russians.

The US and Europe are clearly angry at, what they consider as, Russian propaganda. As the US ambassador to the UN, Samantha Power, summed it up, “Insecurity in Ukraine is written and choreographed by Russia.” With its troops massed on Ukraine’s eastern borders, Washington and NATO fear that Russia might be poised to intervene in Ukraine, like it did in Crimea. Apart from threatening more sanctions against Russia if this were to happen, NATO is moving air, naval and ground troops to reassure its eastern allies, like Baltic States, Poland and other countries that were once part of the Soviet Union and/or part of the Warsaw Pact, that their security would be protected. At the same time, NATO has effectively ruled out military action over Ukraine, as it is outside its alliance system. There is increasing demand by some elements in the US and Europe that Ukraine should be provided with military weapons to fight back any Russian incursion/attack. Such military aid might soon be in the offing.

It is somehow believed that a rigorous sanctions regime against Russia will be an effective deterrent against any Russian military incursion/attack into eastern region of Ukraine. This is too simplistic. The sanctions are likely to hurt Europe more than Russia for two reasons. First, because Europe is significantly dependent on Russian gas supplies, and any interruption/curtailment will adversely affect their economies. Some of these countries, like Ukraine, get their gas at highly discounted price, which Russia has since raised significantly as well as calling on Kiev to pay its past bills to the tune of about $2 billion. And there is no easy replacement for Russian gas in the immediate and, possibly, medium term. Russia will, of course, suffer from the loss of income with reduced exports of gas. Therefore, a tighter sanctions regime is not a real solution.

At another level, some European countries, like Germany, have invested heavily in Russia, and some rich Russians have invested heavily in British real estate and other assets. In the case of France, it has a large contract for the supply of military hardware to Russia. A punitive financial regime will, therefore, seriously affect trade and investment. It is not surprising that Europeans are less enthusiastic than the United States on a gung ho approach to Russia. Europe is right in the middle of a highly unpredictable and explosive situation, if the situation in Ukraine is not handled well.

The recent deal in Geneva between the US, Europe, Russia and Ukraine to de-escalate the situation by requiring vacation of government buildings by protesters on both sides, the separatists in the east and the ultra-right Ukrainian groups in the west of the country, has already collapsed. Both the US and Russia are accusing each other of sabotaging the diplomatic process and, instead, escalating the crisis. The problem, though, is much deeper than that. Which is that Moscow fears further encirclement by West/NATO with Ukraine’s integration into European Union and an anti-Russian regime in Kiev. And with elections due on May 25, US/Europe will seek to legitimize, what Russia believes, is an ‘illegitimate’ political order. With half of Ukraine in the country’s south and east rejecting governance from Kiev, the future of the country seems quite rocky.

On the other side, the US and Europe are equally convinced that Moscow is behind all the trouble, starting with the annexation of Crimea, and intent on repeating it in eastern Ukraine. President Putin has made it quite clear a number of times that Russia will take measures to protect ethnic Russians if Kiev were to launch military action against the pro-Russian region. Which, in a sense, has already happened. The question is at what point Moscow will regard Kiev’s military intervention as having crossed the threshold? 

Note: This article first appeared in the Daily Times.
Contact: sushilpseth@yahoo.com.au