Muddling in Europe
S P SETH
When Angela Merkel, German Chancellor, recently
visited Athens, it is as well that she didn’t see the Greek protestors carrying
posters depicting her as Hitler with his trademark half moustache. She was
obviously shielded from any exposure to what has now become a regular feature
in Greece, with its citizens protesting against more and more austerity
measures imposed by the European Union. Otherwise, they won’t get the bail out
money and the country will go broke, with all the nasty consequences.
Greece and, for that matter, Spain and other euro
zone countries that have mounds of debt, are furious with Germany for insisting
on a severe austerity regime to receive European credits. Because Germany has
to contribute much more for the bailouts being Europe’s strongest economy, it
insists that the debtor countries commit themselves to put their financial
house in order. Which translates into austerity for the recipient countries,
making Germany highly unpopular in Greece, Spain, Portugal, Ireland and much of
Europe. A case is made that an undue emphasis on severe austerity will further
depress these economies, and that won’t help them generate enough revenues to
pay back their debts. Hence, too much austerity will be counter-productive.
The problem, though, is that Germany has to foot the
major part of any further debt relief and it is not convinced that stimulation
will produce the necessary results. In any case, it will be a long-term
solution, if it works, and German citizens are not ready to carry the can for
an indefinite period. Besides, even
though Germany has a sound economy, even the soundest economy can invite
disaster on itself by becoming the ultimate banker of half-a-dozen or so sick
economies in the euro zone. Germany
is also conditioned by its experience of run away inflation that created
conditions for the rise of Hitler. Which explains Germany’s caution against
throwing good money after bad.
Having said that, it is certainly as much in
Germany’s interest as the rest of Europe that the eurozone should survive
because its unraveling will have severe consequences, both politically and
economically. It is important to remember that the progression of Europe into a
European Union not only managed to keep peace in Europe but also led to an era
of great economic prosperity. And
coming after the great disaster of WW11, it is no mean achievement.
Were eurozone to unravel, the European project is
unlikely to survive the consequent economic turmoil of competitive devaluations
and much more. It is difficult to
imagine how the existing debts and credits denominated in euro will be sorted
out or settled. Greece’s exit alone, if that were to happen, will have a
cascading effect on other debt-ridden countries, with Spain already under
terrible strain. Italy too is wobbly, and if it were to need rescuing, Europe
alone, even with Germany’s commitment, will not be able to cope. Spain and
Italy are the fourth and third largest European economies respectively. The consequences
of their failure for the global economy, mired as it is in the throes of the
2008-9 financial crisis, will not be pretty.
Until the financial crisis hit Europe in the last
few years, every country in the project Europe gained from it. Germany was a
major winner. Its membership of the European Union and NATO made it into a
normal country overcoming its Hitlerist legacy. As a comparison, Japan still
has to confront criticism of its wartime atrocities from neighbors. In economic
terms, with its strong economy and competitiveness, Germany gained considerably
from a larger European market for its goods. At the same time, as with other
European countries, it bought its security cheap within Europe from NATO’s
umbrella, with the United States footing much of the defense bill-- though for
its own great power ambitions and security considerations.
For the rest of Europe, project Europe was important
in containing Germany’s European ambitions and harnessing them to continent’s
common good. And for Europe’s relatively poorer members the agricultural
subsidies they received, with Germany paying a major share, significantly
improved their living conditions. It is, therefore, apparent that project
Europe has been a win-win situation for all, until now. And if it crumbles, Europe
might take a long time to put itself together, if at all.
However
much the European countries want to keep Europe together, there is undoubtedly
a lurking fear that they might not succeed. And greater the articulation of
that determination to keep the eurozone intact, the more shrill the language
becomes. Take this open letter, published in the New York Review of Books, from
Alain Minc, President of the French consultancy firm A M Conseil. In this he takes issue with “the
financiers of America” about “prophesies”
regarding “the imminent death of the euro”. He writes forcefully that, “ …there
is not one European political leader… who would be willing to take the blame in
the eyes of posterity for signing the death warrant of the euro. “
And this is because, “The memory of the wars that
ravaged European society is still too strong for anyone to be willing to undo
the process that led to European unity…” In other words, despite all the
emphasis on austerity, he seems to suggest, even Angela Merkel and German
politicians might not let euro collapse, whatever the economic costs. The
passion of such statement(s) indeed seeks to still the doubts that keep
cropping up.
On the other hand, another high profile business
magnate, George Soros, a Hungarian-American who is chairman of the Soros Fund
Management, writes in a long article that if Germany were unwilling to
underwrite euro and stimulate European economies, it might be best if it were
to quit the eurozone. He believes that, “After the initial disruptions the euro
area would swing from depression to growth. “ His hope is that faced with such
a prospect, Germany would prefer to stay on.
Because:“…Germany would fare much better if it
chooses to behave as a benevolent hegemon [like the United States did with its
Marshall Plan to rebuild Europe after WW11] and Europe would be spared the
upheaval the German withdrawal from the euro would cause.” Imagine eurozone
without the strongest European economy! Soros can’t be serious. In whatever way
Europe’s economic travails are resolved, or not resolved, the uncertainty is
proving disastrous for Europe, and doing much harm to the world economy still
mired in the aftermaths of global financial crisis.
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