Australia’s
China dilemma
S P
SETH
Australia’s China dilemma is getting ever more serious regarding the
need to strike the right balance between its strategic relationship with the US
and increasingly deeper economic ties with China. Indeed, when a Chinese
company was sold a controlling interest in the Port of Darwin in the country’s
north, it raised such concern in the US that President Obama reportedly raised
the matter with the visiting Australian Prime Minister, Malcolm Turnbull.
Darwin is an important strategic base for US military. More recently, when two
Chinese companies were seeking to buy a controlling interest in an electricity
grid (Ausgrid) in the state of New South Wales, the country’s treasurer
(finance minister) disallowed it on national security grounds. The security
concerns were not spelled out, though the treasurer is said to have acted on
the recommendation of almost all the country’s security agencies. Earlier,
however, Chinese investment in some other electricity assets had been allowed
without any fuss.
Which led a former Australian foreign minister, Bob Carr, now
heading Australia-China Relations Institute, partly funded by China, to
describe the government’s decision to block the long term lease of Ausgrid to
China as “a policy sacrifice to the witches’ Sabbath of xenophobia and economic
nationalism stirred up in the recent federal election.” This only creates more
confusion because Chinese money is seen in some quarters as not only seeking
gradually to control Australia’s economic arteries, but also corrupting its
political system, with reports of donations to political parties from Chinese
interests at home and abroad. Taking aim at Bob Carr’s withering criticism of
blocking the sale of electricity grid to China, Peter Hartcher, the Sydney
Morning Herald’s international editor, wrote, “As for [Bob] Carr, he should
understand the paramount importance of national security. When the federal
government barred China’s Huawei [internet conglomerate] from bidding to build
the National Broadcasting Network in 2012, Carr, as foreign minister, said that
Australia was entitled to defend its national security.” Elaborating, he said,
“In 2012 he [Bob Carr] was paid to represent Australia. Today, his partly
Chinese-funded institute pays him to be part of the Chinese bluster.”
Speaking at the partly Chinese funded, Australia-China Relations
Institute, which is headed by Bob Carr, a former prime minister, Paul Keating,
suggested that Australia needed a foreign policy that was more accommodating of
China’s regional primacy and not “caught up in some containment policy of
China… to assist Americans in trying to preserve strategic hegemony in Asia and
the Pacific.” Keating incidentally is a member of the advisory committee of
state-run China Development Bank. This sort of ‘heresy’ is relatively new in
Australia. Despite this, Australia’s US alliance remains the corner stone of
its foreign policy.
However, Australia’s deepening economic relationship with China,
further reinforced with a recently signed free trade agreement between the two
countries, is likely to underpin Australia’s economic prosperity into the
foreseeable future. China is now Australia’s biggest trading partner, taking
about 35 per cent of its exports, and supplying about 20 per cent of its
imports. A recent major Australian economic study, Partnership for Change,
remains largely optimistic about the future direction of Australia-China
economic relationship. Trade aside, China is also a major source of new economic
investments in Australia estimated at 46 billion Australian dollars last year;
though the US reportedly has the biggest accumulated stock of investment at 860
billion Australian dollars as of last year or 28 per cent of the total at the
end of 2014-15. But China is steadily coming up, with a quarter of the new
investments last year.
Australia’s prosperity has been built on foreign investments but China’s
acquisition of Australian assets, considered economically, politically and
strategically sensitive, is creating some problems. Not surprisingly, Beijing
reacted strongly to Canberra’s decision to block Chinese investment of a
controlling share in a New South Wales’ electricity grid. Its foreign ministry
described the decision as a matter of “deep concern”, urging Australia to
“avoid discrimination and provide a fair environment.” China’s commerce
ministry said that, “This kind of decision is protectionist and seriously
impacts the willingness of Chinese companies to invest in Australia”, suggesting
that Chinese investors might start looking elsewhere.
By and large, China and Australia have a complimentary trade
relationship based on Chinese demand for Australian goods and services for its
growing and diversifying economy, and Australia is well served with Chinese
consumer products, with a comfortable trade balance in Australia’s favour. The
dilemma arises because Australia’s strategic nexus with the US puts it in the
US camp when it comes to security issues. China’s projection of power in South
China Sea is a case in point, where US and Australia are critical of China
laying claim to a string of islands and dredging new ones to establish military
facilities, making South China Sea into a virtual Chinese lake. Both Washington
and Canberra favour a peaceful regional solution between China and its
neighbours. The crunch might come if this issue were to develop into military
conflict to involve Australia as US’ ally. And that might seriously damage
their economic relationship.
However, Canberra hopes that it will not come to this and Australia
might be able to juggle both its primary economic relationship with China and
strategic nexus with the US. In any case, it is sometimes argued that Beijing
has been aware all this time that Australia and US are strategic allies and
this hasn’t stood in the way of their deepening economic relationship.
Therefore, Australia need not be squeamish or defensive when asserting its
national security interests, as with its decision to block China’s controlling
investment in an electricity grid. The argument goes that despite Australia’s
decision to block Chinese investments on national security grounds in some
cases, the two countries’ have gone ahead to sign a free trade agreement. To
quote Peter Hartcher again, “Chinese bluster is part of the theatre.” China
probably is thinking long term that with Australia’s prosperity increasingly
tied to Chinese trade and investments; there will be greater scope to loosen
Australia’s strategic ties with the US.
Note: This article was first published in the Daily Times.
Contact: sushilpseth@yahoo.com.au
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