US
bluster is China’s gain
S P
SETH
The US’ long term allies are bewildered about the direction and
future of their relationship with the world’s (still) most powerful country.
Take, for instance, Australia, which has stood loyally by the United States for
a century, forging even stronger ties during WW11 and sealing it subsequently
with the Australia, New Zealand, US (ANZUS) alliance. It fought alongside the
US in Korean and Vietnam wars, and is part of the US-led coalition in wars in
the Middle East. You name it and Australia is there by the US side.
And it is the site of some very important US intelligence gathering
electronic stations, which serve as the eyes and ears of its military machine
against its enemies—the Soviet Union being the most important during the long
Cold War years and so it goes. And it is also hosting US troops in rotation in
its north and there is some talk of permanent US bases.
It is important here to point out that Australia’s loyalty has been
largely self-serving for reasons of its own perceived insecurity. Having been,
more or less, abandoned by Britain during WW11, mostly preoccupied with the
European theatre of the war, it was the US that found in Australia a very
useful and important part of its war with Japan in the Pacific theatre.
And when the US decided to grant Japan autonomy, essentially under
US supervision and control, Australia wasn’t too happy about it against the
backdrop of Japan’s war record; and to assure both Australia and New Zealand of
America’s protective role, it signed the ANZUS treaty. Originally designed
against possible Japanese national revival, it subsequently became a larger and
all-purpose alliance.
With China now emerging as a security threat with its activities in
the South China Sea, Australia’s role as US ally is all the more relevant. And
what sort role it will be is the subject of discussion here in Australia,
especially in the new Trump era.
Australia has a security complex about its Asian neighborhood, being
the only predominantly European/white country in the region. Its white
Australia policy was an expression of it, with fear of being swamped by Asian
immigrants, particularly from China. And now that China is so powerful and
potentially threatening, Australia’s security alliance with the United States
is regarded as even more important.
At the same time, China has also emerged as Australia’s biggest
trading partner, with Australian commodity exports an important mainstay of its
economy. Therefore, it is trying to tread a delicate balance between its
security tied to the US alliance and its trade interests tied to China’ growing
economic power. And when Trump talks off-script on foreign and security affairs,
it creates a bit of shudder here in the political establishment.
A case in point recently, unrelated to China, was the way Trump hung
up on a telephone conversation with the Australian Prime Minister, Malcolm
Turnbull, cutting it reportedly to 25 minutes from the scheduled one hour.
It happened because Turnbull urged Trump to honour the agreement,
signed with the Obama administration, requiring the US to take the bulk of boat
refugees—so-called because they arrived in leaky boats-- that Australia had
sub-contracted to its small neighbours for detention in camps. And they happen to come from some of the
Muslim countries banned under Trump’s executive order.
To Australia’ disgrace, these are refugees (about 2000 of them)
Australia bribed its tiny neighbor Nauru, and Papua New Guinea, to put them in
one of the most inhumane camps as a deterrence to other boat refugees
contemplating heading to Australia. But that is another story.
Coming back to Trump’s snub to Prime Minister Turnbull, a loyal US
ally, which created quite a stir in the Australian media with a sense of
helplessness and foreboding. The US has been the security shield for Australia
for as long as one can remember and for much of the region, even for those
countries that are not formally part of the US alliance system.
Sensing that times are suiting China, even more so with Trump as
President with emphasis on ‘America first’, Beijing seems to believe that,
despite Australia’s long term security alliance with the US, in the medium and
long term Canberra might not have any option but to develop closer relations
with China. Interestingly, during a recent visit here the Chinese foreign
minister, Wang Yi, appeared quite relaxed about Australia’s security relations
with the US.
As the Sydney Morning Herald’s international editor, Peter Hartcher,
remarked that Wang abandoned his standard lecture critiquing the ANZUS alliance
as “a relic of the Cold War.” And he said at a joint press conference with the
Australian foreign affairs minister, Julie Bishop, that Australia “can continue
to be an ally of the US, at the same time be a comprehensive strategic partner for
China.”
The personal chemistry between the two foreign ministers was quite
encouraging with Wang reportedly kissing Bishop on both cheeks after dinner,
regarded as an unprecedented gesture. With Trump rejecting the Trans-Pacific Partnership
free trade pact and seeking renegotiation of its trade agreements, including with
Australia, China is emerging as the champion of globalization. And Australia,
as a trading nation, now finds itself on the Chinese side on this issue.
China is seeking to emerge as the leading proponent of globalization.
President Xi Jingping strongly supported globalization at the recent World
Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland. Chinese Premier Li Keqiang, during a
recent call with German Chancellor, Angela Merkel, said that, “China and
Germany should send stable signals to the global markets and jointly safeguard
the existing international system through trade and investment liberalization.”
This is against the backdrop of Trump’s threat to Germany that the
US might impose a border tax on cars that BMW would export into the US from its
planned new factory in Mexico. Trump wants Germany to buy US cars.
Germany is a long-standing NATO ally. Trump has said that NATO is
now obsolete, though the message is being moderated linking it with increased
defence spending by other NATO countries. And he is also not fond of European
Union, having said that Brexit could be a “great thing”.
In the Pacific, Trump has already signed an order withdrawing the US
from Trans-Pacific Partnership trade pact, thus creating a sense of
exasperation among America’s friends and allies in the Asia-Pacific region.
If Trump continues his Twitter diplomacy of random policy
pronouncements, China might emerge as the standard bearer of global stability,
with such lower standards now permeating international polity.
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